ISTR Third International Conference Université de Genève, Geneva, Switzerland July 8-11, 1998 Conference Abstracts Alpha by Author ... T-Z

This is a comparative research study of the United Way in the U.S., and its comparative counterpart, the Community Chest, in Japan.

The United Way in the U.S. has almost monopolized the function of domestic donations in the U.S. during its history of about 100 years. It has done this primarily through the system called "workplace-based fund-raising" through the "invention" of the "payroll deduction plan."

On the other hand, the Community Chest in Japan has collected close to 500 billion yens in donations during its history of about 50 years, mainly through a system called "family-based fund-raising" through the "magic" of deductions and donations in lump sums of a community fund which is based on chonai-kai, or local community-based associations.

The United Way system in the U.S. and the Community Chest in Japan seem to have different kinds of organization and different methods of collecting money, at first glance, except for that both have been "philanthropic giants" of each country. But they do have a common point--that both are systems which were well-planned for collecting as much money as possible from their donors, but both have been neglectful for many years of the way in which their donors' desires and intentions could be taken into consideration. Specifically, both the American and Japanese systems reflected regarding which nonprofit organization or social service would use their money.

However, a change then started taking place, first in the United Way. In the 1970s it began to be challenged by alternative fund movements, such as the "Black United Funds" and the "Combined Health Agency Drive." And later, in the 1980s--toward the end of the 80s and the beginning of the 90s--the United Way fearfully started to accept the "Donor Option" plan, and then the "Donor Choice" plan. In addition, the final push on this change was what is called the "United Way Scandal" of 1992, which undermined the American citizens' trust in the United Way.

On the other hand, the Community Chest in Japan survived until now--fortunately or unfortunately--without experiencing such a loss of trust in their organization equivalent to that of the "United Way Scandal." But the present is not a time like the postwar period, when the Community Chest played a big role against starvation and poverty just after World War II. So, modern donors do not automatically trust and accept the Community Chest blindly. These modern donors try to self-manage their own act of philanthropy, just as they do something like a portfolio of stock investment. It is thus a big subject for the Community Chest--which is all over Japan as 47 chapters, and its central institution, which has its main office in Tokyo, as the central network council--as to how their organization needs to be changed, and how their programs need to be changed for these modern donors.

In this study, the origin of chonai-kai, or the local community-based association system, is mentioned, on which Japan's Community Chest has depended--that is, in the tonari-gumi, or "neighbors' ties," which was a part of the all-out plans of the Japanese military during World War II. Also, the fact that this kind of local community-based association still holds an invisible power over the ordinary people, in regulating their individual lives--especially in country districts and in lower-class areas in big towns and cities--is mentioned as well.

Through this study, the aim is to make clear the differences in both countries' donation culture and, at the same time, to deal with the problem of "missing the desires and intentions of donors," which has been common to both fund-raising systems in both countries.

The Impact of Macro-Economic Crises on Local NGOs By Nuno Themudo ( n.d.themudo@lse.ac.uk)

Macro-economic crises are very common in developing countries. They may have serious, often even fatal, implications to the organisation and the work of Non-governmental Organisations (NGOs). During macro-economic crises NGO resources are stretched to a limit as income is dramatically reduced and the demand for NGO services increases, due to growing unemployment and poverty. At a time when NGOs' service provision is most needed the reduction in NGO resources will lead to projects being cancelled, essential maintenance work postponed, staff fired, and excessive organisational attention being devoted to economic issues. Thus the sustainability and continuity of the NGOs' development work may be seriously damaged. Many NGOs may close some or all of their activities leaving important voids in service provision. Local NGOs are particularly vulnerable to macro-economic crises since they are more likely to depend on local rather than international funds.

Despite the potential gravity of the impacts of economic crises on NGOs, this subject has received little academic attention beyond some references to the instability of funding many NGOs have to cope with. We lack specific research on the effects of macro-economic cycles on NGOs. In times when developing an 'alternative' or local funding basis is widely promoted by official donors and seen as a fundamental step towards sustainability of the NGO and its work, it is essential to understand the impact of changes in the availability of local funds on NGOs. This research consists of an international case-study comparison, one NGO in Mexico and another in Portugal. Mexico faces very intense economic crises, common to Southern countries, while Portugal faces mild economic crises, common to Northern countries. This comparison should bring an interesting dimension to this exploratory research.

Thus far, after the conclusion of the Mexican case-study, the data collected has confirmed the thesis that economic crises have an important impact, both short and long term, on the work and organisation of the NGO. This observation is based on the case of Fovaso, A.C., a local Mexican NGO working in rural development and welfare, which depends solely on local funding. The implications of a macro-economic crisis in Mexico has led to profound changes in the way this NGO operated and even the way it perceived itself and the problem of underdevelopment. The crisis marked a major turning point in relation to its identity and its modus operandis. A few observations can be advanced at this stage. a) From an initial, before the crisis, 'welfare perspective' towards the problem of poverty and underdevelopment the NGO adopted, after the crisis, a 'self-help' and 'income generating' perspective. The NGO reduced its giving in the form of 'handouts' and increased its lending through micro-credits. b) From working with the poorest before the crisis, the NGO shifted to working with beneficiaries who were not the poorest (second lower quintile). c) Some projects which had been started were abruptly suspended and many long term services dramatically reduced to cope with the fall in resource availability. A period of almost paralysis beset the NGO and its programmes during the crisis. d) At the same time attention was shifted towards some profit making enterprises to generate its own income. Thus, during the crisis the quantity and quality of the service provided to beneficiaries was strongly reduced. e) Important changes were registered in relation to the NGO's structure, strategy and culture. Following the reduction of income the leaders enforced very rigid financial control systems to ensure financial restraint, and organisational survival. The 'bureaucratisation' of many tasks and extensive reporting were introduced as income decreased. An interesting contrast can be made with generalised observation that NGOs 'bureaucratise' as their income and organisation grows. Participation by both staff and beneficiaries was almost eliminated and a top-down, centralised, management style was adopted. In many ways the NGO adopted a firm-like organisation to survive. f) The economic crisis was accompanied by a loss of credibility of the leadership of the NGO and a generalised confusion about power in the organisation. These observations will be contrasted with the Portuguese case in the second part of this study.

These (provisional) findings raise a number of questions about NGOs' ability, in times of macro-economic crises, to compensate for the reduction of state service provision. It also raises questions about local NGOs' ability to promote a sustainable development, especially in regions where economic crises are frequent. Also, and for all the above, macro-economic crises put enormous stress upon the management capabilities of NGOs. NGO management must be innovative and creative to survive them. Donors could arguably play a role in an attempt to reduce the negative impact of economic crises upon local NGOs thus facilitating development.

This paper investigates the dynamics of social service provision in Greece focusing on the relationship between nonprofit social service organizations and the state. The perspective employed is organizational-political and points to the necessity of understanding the structural outcomes of state-nonprofit interactions. I ask: How do states encourage or discourage nonprofits to assume particular organizational types or forms? I define organizational forms as the set of administrative, economic, technical, and professional characteristics of organizations.

I show that the heterogeneity of nonprofit organizational forms that comprise the Greek third sector is mainly the outcome of inconsistent and sporadic state policies toward third sector organizations. While traditionally organizations in given policy domains have been supported and controlled by the state, organizations in other policy areas have been left to their own devices. Moreover, there is no legislation specifically designed for third sector organizations. Instead there is a multiplicity of possible legal forms that a nonprofit can take. The latter has led to the existence of a range of types or forms of social service organizations.

I base my discussion on archival research and the analysis of a recent EU funded data set (VOLMED) which includes basic data on the financial and administrative relations of Greek social service nonprofit organizations and the state. Through the use of this data set and of government statistics on governmental organizations, I create an empirical typology of the varieties of state-controlled and state-independent or quasi-independent organizational forms that exist in the Greek nonprofit sector. Thus, I attempt to begin making arguments that link state policy and the development of particular organizational forms.

Development of Environmental Non-governmental Organizations in Russia By Maria Tysiachniouk ( plotniko@ief.spb.su) and Alexander Karpov ( ask@spbsn2.spb.org or ask@val1.usr.pu.ru)

The first sociological observations on the environmental movement and environmental NGOs in Russia appeared during the ascending wave of the protest at the end of the 1980s. The ecological element of Perestroika attracted the special attention of researchers because of the intensity of collective social actions. The principal intellectual effort was to test Western models of social movements in the Russian context. The environmental movement in Russia was compared with early Western social movements. Several frames were used to conceptualize the Russian transformation. Institutional development of environmental NGO has been conceptualized in the frame of resource mobilization theory. Perestroika environmental movements have been framed in a political process model, with the emphasis on political opportunities, political cycles, and protest mobilization as developed in the works of Tilly and Tarrow.

However, after market reforms of January 1992 the term "transition to democracy" is rarely used in sociological studies. Russian sociologists analyze the environmental movement after Rio as a part of risk society in which large scale environmental disasters can occur because of the decline in economic infrastructure. In this situation the environmental movement should be preserved through governmental policies, which the Russian government is unable to develop (with few exclusions). To some extent, the Russian third sector develops and functions because of the international support.

The Soviet command-and -control regime restored itself in Russia in the conditions of the posttotalitarian period through monopolization of natural resources and converted its power into property. The Russian population continues to be dependent and subordinate to authorities. The population's concern is about stability, however, and not in the environmental modernization of production. The most part of the population is strongly interested in economic growth and development projects. The idea of public participation is strongly opposed by the myth of "competence". Science is commonly considered as a "forth sector" -- an independent force on political scene. The myth is supported by all interested parties in environmental decision-making which apply to scientific reasons to approve creditability of their positions. "Incompetence" usually ascertained as not being allied to scientific elite is considered crucial for expelling parties from dialogue. The scientific community supports this view in attempt to get rent from its social position.

Respondents indicate the lack of grass roots environmental movement in Russia. The movement is almost all institutionalized in environmental NGOs. Most NGOs inherit the structural features and organizational traditions of the Soviet public organizations. Democracy is viewed mostly as commission of rights through various election procedures. With inflexible management such democracy fail to operate on a cost-effective basis.

The main contextual differences in Russia and the West are determined by differences in the interrelationships between the governmental sector, NGOs and the population. Respondents argued that NGOs and the government in Russia are mutually interdependent and adapted to each other. They collaborate in the development of environmental policy programs. However, these programs are unrealistic. The respondents indicated that the biggest problem in the Russian third sector is the lack of exposure with the population. Neither the government nor NGOs encourage public participation. A very limited number of people is involved in environmental decision making, thus making interpersonal relations and personal abilities crucial. Personification of organizational politics makes the field subjected to conflicts which further reduce public support.

This paper represents both a literature review and results of qualitative research conducted by the method of semi- structured interview and participatory observation. A set of core questions addressing environmental NGOs development was used as a basis for interviews of forty-five Russian respondents. Participant observation was used as a supplementary tool to support and clarify the data received in the interviews.

Letter = U no U Letter = U, V

Innovation in Public Services by Nonprofits in Hungary By Ágnes Vajda ( h9796vaj@ella.hu)

The conference paper will focus on the position and functions of nonprofit organizations in Hungary, in a transitional country.

The approach of the special functions of non-governmental organizations comes from the everyday experiences and from nonprofit experts' opinion and literature: NPOs are in very close connection with public institutions and the cooperation between the two sectors is mainly fruitful.

Public institutions are lack of financial resources mainly due to the general crisis of the economy. Education, health, culture, etc. suffer from shortage of financing. At the same time it can be observed that a lot of new services appeared in the field of human services. Not only forprofit companies but public institutions offer new opportunities for their clients. The initiative comes from the public institutions themselves but, the institution in question plays only the role of an incubator.

It is documented that nonprofit organizations have been establishing in the frame of public institutions in the transition countries. (Kuti, 1996, Lévai, 1996, Szalai, 1997, Vajda, 1995). The special issues emerging in transitional countries are discussed mainly by researchers living in those countries.

The initiative mainly comes from the employees of the public institution. They feel an urgent need, a challenge to improve the quality and the extend of services provided by their institution, but neither financial nor personal background are available for renewal. The only possibility is to set up a nonprofit organization (mainly foundation) and looking for additional resources as a nonprofit. They can apply in the frame of a nonprofit to different grant-making foundations and even to public funds.

The paper will discuss the process how the newborn nonprofit organizations are growing up, are looking for new roles again and again, and try to find their proper place in the society and economy. At the same time it is a process in the course of which nonprofit organizations are taking over a part of the services of the public sphere.

References:

Kuti, Éva (1996): The nonprofit sector in Hungary Johns Hopkins Sector Series 2 Manchester University Press, Manchester and New York

Lévai, Katalin (1996): Az önkormányzatok és a nonprofit szektor közötti együttmûködésrõl (On the cooperation between the local governments and the nonprofit sector) pp. 22-35 (In: Lévai and Straussman eds.: Innovatív önkormányzatok) Helyi Társadalom Kutató Csoport, Budapest

Szalai, Júlia (1997): Az egészségügyi alapítványokról (On foundations of health) Kézirat, Budapest

Vajda, Ágnes (1995): Foundations, associations and governmental institutions pp. 403-421 Acta Oeconomica Vol. 47 Number 4-5

Beyond the End of Work: An Interim Report on a Third Sector Policy Initiative By Jon Van Til ( vantil@crab.rutgers.edu), Arthur P. Williamson ( ap.williamson@ulst.ac.uk), and David A. Pettrone Swalve

To achieve the goal of sustaining employment in a society facing the end of work, Jeremy Rifkin (1995: 256-267) has proposed that the role of the third sector as a locus of valued work become more fully developed. Specifically, he suggests that third sector organizations augment their employment roles, supported by public and philanthropic policies providing 1) "a social wage for community service" and 2) "shadow wages for voluntary work".

The action research we are conducting employs the methodology of the Delphi study to identify ideas for innovative practice directed toward the provision of work and employment among third sector organizations in a range of countries. By opening a new institutional field, the third sector, to the interests of a wide range of institutional leaders in a number of countries, the study aims to alleviate the impending world-wide crisis of uneven underemployment.

An initial identification of policy initiatives began with a plenary panel presentation tot the 1997 Second World Assembly of CIVICUS, meeting in Budapest 23-26 September. Prof. Van Til served as chair for this panel, and which included ISTR colleagues Antonin Wagner, Arthur Williamson, and Marianne Nylund. A Delphi instrument was presented to those attending the session, and distributed to other participants at the CIVICUS Assembly. The Delphi instrument probed respondents' judgments of the ways in which work and employment might be extended by third sector organizations.

The report to the ISTR conference will include: 1) An updated report on the state of the employment crisis in a number of countries, and the progress of the Rifkin proposals in those countries; 2) A summary of the initial recommendations of the CIVICUS participants regarding potential actions that may be productively developed in their various countries, and 3) An opportunity for ISTR members to add their own policy suggestions to those previously provided to the Delphi process.

Una Respuesta Innovadora al Problema de la Exclusión Social: Las Empresad Sociales By Isabel Vidal ( ividal@campus.uoc.es)

Las empresas sociales son organizaciones privadas, que realizan una actividad económica dirigida al mercado pero su objetivo son la satisfacción de necesidades sociales. La persistencia de desequilibrios tales como un paro estructural elevado y las dificultades de las politicas sociales tradiciionales junto con la necesidad de pasar de políticas más activas de integración, llevan a preguntarse en qué medida el tercer sector puede contribuir a resolver estos desequilibrios y, eventualmente, tomar relevo a los poderes públicos en ciertos ámbitos de actuación.

El objetivo de esta comunicación es presentar el resultado de un proyecto de investigación sobre las empresas sociales y su papel como instrumento que facilita la integración económica de personas excluidas. (SEC97-1309 Proyecto de I+D del Programa Nacional de Estudios Sociales y Económicos). Este estudioi se centra en la realidad de la empresa social en España. Sin embargo, forma parte de un proyecto de ámbito transnacional (CT 953008 PL953373) (TN9 del Programa TSER: Recherche sur l'integration social et l'exclusion sociale en Europe, de la D.G. XII de las Comunidades Europeas).

La metodología que se utiliza es el método del caso. En esta comunicación se presentaran los resultados obtenidos de la realización de 30 casos entre empresas de inserción que se consideran excelentes y que desarrollan su acción económica y social en el ámbito geográfico de España. Son empresas surgidas a partir de:

- la iniciativa de un grupo de promotores sociales que constituyen empresas de inserción social por el trabajo; el objetivo de la empresa es la rehabilitación económica y social de parados de larga duración con niveles de exclusión social,

- la asociación de padres de familias con hihos discapacitados que se organizan para crear centros especiales de trabajo y talleres ocupacionales con el objetivo de garantizar una actividad productiva y una cierto independencia económica a sus hijos,

- aquellas iniciativas empresariales que actúan en el ámbito de la sroga; los puestos de trabajo se crean para que personas con grandes dificultades puedan ocuparlos, y

- otras iniciativas de raíz social, cuyos origenes y motivaciones merecen ser estudiadas como posibles alternativas.

El resultado del estudio de casos ha de permitir:

Plantear las condiciones sociales, institucionales y económicas que permiten explicar el por qué del surgimiento de iniciativas empresariales con objetivos sociales,; es decir, las raxones que yacen detrás de la utilización de la empresa como instrumento para alcanzar objetivos diferentes al que tradicionalmente se le asocia.

Examinar las fórmulas jurídicas que emplean.

Presentar la realidad empresarial de estas empresas sociales asi cómo sus potencialidades y limitaciones.

Analizar las posibilidades de la empresa social como instrumento de política activa de empleo.

Realizar un análisis prospectivo del sector, incidiendo en aquellos factores clave para su mejor vetebración.

Women's Participation in the Third Sector in Argentina: Present and Future Trends By Anahí Viladrich ( av93@columbia.edu)

The purpose of this paper is to analyze women's participation in the third sector in Argentina, in particular their role in fostering economic, social and political change in Argentina. Women's voluntary participation in public policy making through their voluntary work and philanthropic activities, has been one of the most distinctive features of the relationship between the third sector and the State in Argentina (Thompson, 1995; Viladrich, Thompson; 1996). Since the return to democracy in 1983, a "new map" of women's non governmental organizations (NGOs) emerged called to challenge the relationships between the state, the profit, and the non-profit sectors. By leading a wide number of civic and non-profit organizations, women have steadily contributed to the strength of the democratic transition in Argentina, while enhancing their status as active agents of social change in different areas such as: social development, political participation, consumer advocacy, civic and reproductive rights, grassroots leadership, etc. Far from trying to cover this wide range of female participation, my paper will emphasize main aspects, achievements and obstacles of women's participation in the consolidation of the third sector in Argentina.

My methods will combine different sources: secondary data based on quantitative and qualitative research of women's participation in the third sector (e.g. number, composition, areas of interest, etc.) as well as primary data obtained from in-depth interviews with leaders and key informants of women's organizations. I will provide examples of both women's NGOs current alliances and conflicts in dealing with the government and political parties, as well as illustrations of new collaborative forms between women's NGOs and the profit sector. Regarding the latter, I will examine the growing role of female private philanthropy where women have provided either their voluntary work, or their money as recipients of grants or salaries. Particularly, I will study the growing importance of women as entrepreneurs in grant making foundations.

Finally, I will develop both a theoretical and an operational model in order to analyze the role of women's organizations in the third sector in Argentina. I hope this model will be useful to the design of comparative framework which could be applied to other countries as well.

Nonprofit Incubators: Comparative Models for Nurturing New Third Sector Organizations By Diane Vinokur-Kaplan ( dkv@umich.edu) and Joseph A. 'Jay' Connor

Several recent experiments in the United States have applied the "small business incubator" model of economic development to the nurturance of nonprofit, charitable organizations to serve social and community development. Business incubation is a dynamic, efficient process to foster the growth of young firms, helping them to survive and expand in a safe haven during the start-up period when they are most vulnerable to failure. "Incubators provide hands-on management assistance, access to financing and orchestrated exposure to critical business or technical support services" (NBIA, 1997, p. 1). They also often offer low-cost space, shared support services, and a network of peers and seasoned professionals with whom new entrepreneurs and advocates can develop their organizations--often all under one roof. This paper will compare and contrast several models of nonprofit incubators currently operating in the United States (Dundjerski, 1997), and one proposed in Israel [Sharir, 1997]), as well as current for-profit models (See Molnar, 1998). The results should be helpful for considering whether such models might be useful to other countries and states that are seeking to broaden or strengthen their third sectors.

Specifically noted will be the evolution of one such innovative, "cost-shedding" design: NEW - Nonprofit Enterprise at Work, a community "incubator" of nonprofit organizations that opened its doors in 1993, in Ann Arbor, Michigan (Vinokur-Kaplan & Connor, 1997). The authors (an academic and a practitioner) analyze and evaluate NEW's level of success in enhancing the growth and development of nonprofit organizations in the local county area.

Particularly examined are NEW's original strategies for nurturing nonprofits and enhancing their efficiency:

1. Consolidated Space & Facilities: A new, well-designed office building, underwritten by community contributors, provided office space for 25 small, local nonprofits, with rentals costing well-below market rate. Therein, shared support and informational services, as well as meeting space, were available to all tenants. This arrangement allowed the tenants to maximize allocating their resources towards provision of services;

2. Cross-Fertilization and Synergy of Ideas and Information: the deliberate designation of the mix of tenants' foci (at least 25% human services, 25% arts, music and other cultural groups, and 50% other types of organizations [e.g. ecology, advocacy, education, international awareness]), promoted new, synergistic relationships and developed new projects among the tenant agencies and other affiliated organizations.

3. Accessible Address for Nonprofit Activities: These attractive facilities were also made available to established and fledgling nonprofits in the area, for both their own meetings and for collaborative, inter-organizational meetings. This facet allowed relevant parties to meet in easily accessible, supportive, comfortable, "neutral" surroundings; moreover, NEW's downtown location gave greater public visibility to nonprofit activities in the community.

4. Organizational Training & Consultation: NEW began providing low-cost training sessions, consultation for local agencies, and county-wide conferences for the nonprofit community to enhance their performance, expand their activities, and network with other kindred agencies.

References:

Dundjerski, M. (1997). Foundations offer shelter to charities. The Chronicle of Philanthropy, October 2, pp. 9-13.

Molnar, L. A., Grimes, D. R., Edelstein, J., De Pietro, R., Sherman, H., Adkins, D. & Tornatzky, L. (1997, August). Impact of Incubator Investments. Report from an award from the US Department of Commerce Economic Development Administration, Project #99-06-07414. Published by the National Business Incubator Association, Athens, Ohio, and the University of Michigan Business School, Ann Arbor, MI.

NBIA (National Business Incubation Association). (1997). What is NBIA? Public information on www.nbia.org/whatis.htm, May 23, 1997.

Sharir, M. (1997, January). The Incubator for Social Innovation Set-Up Plan. Jerusalem: JDC (Joint Distribution Committee)-ISRAEL.

Vinokur-Kaplan, D. & Connor, J. A. (1997, December). The Capacity, Life Cycle & Impact of a Nonprofit Incubator: A Case Study Of NEW - Nonprofit Enterprise at Work, Inc.. Paper Presented at the Annual Meeting of ARNOVA (Association for Research on Nonprofit Organizations & Voluntary Action), Indianapolis, IN.

Los Derechos de Niños y Adolescentes: Estado y ONGs By Carmela Vives ( carme@psiant.filo.uba.ar)

En setiembre de 1990, las Naciones Unidas convocaron a una Cumbre Mundial en favor de la Infancia. Allí jefes de Estado y de Gobierno se comprometieron a alcanzar en sus países una serie de metas específicas en favor del bienestar físico y mental de los niños para el año 2000. En ese marco se firmó la Convención Internacional sobre los Derechos del Niño (CIDN) en la que se establecieron derechos sociales, económicos, culturales y civiles para la infancia.

Desde entonces se han impulsado nuevas políticas sociales basadas en el reconocimiento de derechos y no el otorgamiento de éstos como meras concesiones asistenciales.

En el mismo año, el Congreso Argentino, por Ley Nº 23.849, ratifica la Convención Internacional sobre Derechos del Niño y en el mes de agosto de 1994 la incorpora a la Constitución Nacional en el art. 75, inc. 22. Para esta fecha comenzó a funcionar dentro del Gobierno de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires (para esa fecha Municipalidad de la ciudad de Buenos Aires) la Defensoría para Niños y Adolescentes cuyo objetivo inicial fue la defensa de los mismos en los Tribunales de la Capital Federal, pero que al ampliar su área de cobertura se dedicó además a la difusión y promoción de la Convención.

La complejidad de las problemáticas que llegaban a la Defensoría, definió que no bastaba con la atención legal, sino que era indispensable el trabajo entre distintas disciplinas y con otros actores sociales (ONGs)para poder elaborar estrategias de intervención en función del interés del niño y del adolescente involucrado.

En este contexto, se decidió profundizar el significado de las problemáticas junto a los actores de la sociedad civil y los Organismos no Gubernamentales.

La presente ponencia es parte de una de investigación que se está llevando a cabo por la Defensoría, Mutual Barracas y Mutual Almagro (éstas últimas ONGs).

Concentra su mirada en el tema de los niños y adolescentes como sujetos de derechos; pretende conocer los cambios que han experimentado algunas de las ONGs dedicadas al tema de la infancia, su relación con el Estado (en particular con la Defensoría) y la influencia que han tenido en el discurso y la política de la niñez y la adolescencia dentro del ámbito de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires y con aquellos sectores de niños y jóvenes expuestos a un mayor grado de exclusión dentro del conjunto social. Además intenta analizar el papel que han jugado los procesos de participación ciudadana como así movimientos y luchas por la infancia.

Metodología

Se ha utilizado metodología mayoritariamente de tipo cualitativa: entrevistas a representantes de ONGs, funcionarios gubernamentales y a la población beneficiaria (niños y adolescentes), análisis de hechos concretos y su repercusión en el conjunto social.

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The Structure of Charitable Giving in Switzerland By Ruth Wagner ( ruudi@wagner.net)

Context and Intention

In Switzerland, the method of microcensus of households is only beginning to show an impact on the empirical analysis of social phenomena such as the Third Sector. Under these circumstances, information on volunteering and charitable giving, and data on the nonprofit economy in general until now had to be drawn from national account statistics and other official publications.

During the past couple of years, however, the rapidly changing situation of the economy has pressured more and more nonprofit organizations to take a closer look at the structure of charitable giving as an important element of their income. For both 1996 and 1997 a representative microcensus on charitable giving was conducted, each based on a representative sample of 2000 telephone interviews.

The intention of this paper is to present some preliminary research findings to a community of researchers for critical review. Although Switzerland is a relatively small country of c.

7.3 million inhabitants the census offers an interesting example of a culturally diverse society and of a semi-direct (as opposed to a parliamentary) democracy. These features alone make the study worthwhile in an international context.

Focus

The evaluation of the interviews covers primarily the following aspects of charitable giving:

what is the economic contribution of private charitable giving, meaning what is the "annual turnover" in this field, or what is the "market share" of the private contributions within the Third Sector in Switzerland? (for instance in relation to total household expenditure for specific consumer goods);

what are the targets of charitable giving as expressed by the field of activity of the organizations that receive the money? (environmental organizations, organizations for the handicapped, welfare organizations, cultural and recreational organizations etc.);

what is the motivation behind charitable giving (or not giving at all)?;

at is the relationship existing between charitable giving and volunteering, i.e. between giving money and giving time ?

Findings

As an introduction to the entire results of the study - percentages, relations, possible explanations and comparisons to other studies ­ here are some key figures:

Among the 60% of people who do donate money to charities, the average amount given is SFr. 410.- ($273). As a projection on overall Swiss households (about 3'080'000 in '97), this equals an average amount of SFr. 456.- ($304) per household, or 242.- ($161) per capita (over 15 years old).

Or in other words:

Approximately 1.406 Billion Swiss Francs ($1 Billion) is the overall amount of money given by individuals to non profit organizations in 1997 - about the equivalent to what the Swiss annually spend on beer, double the amount spent on chocolate and only half of the money spent on smoking cigarettes.

The State and the Voluntary Sector in Combating Rural Poverty: An Assessment of Women's Groups in Western Kenya By Fredrick O. Wanyama

It has long been recognized that the eradication of poverty in the Third World countries, especially in their rural areas, is the main challenge facing human society. Hence, at the independence of these countries about four decades ago, the state embarked on tackling this seemingly age-old problem. The available literature, however, shows that the vices of poverty have continued to bite or even worsened, more so in Africa. This can partly be attributed to the centralized and non-participatory approaches the state has relied on in tackling the problem.

In the midst of this scenario, the voluntary sector is steadily emerging as an alternative to the state in combating rural poverty. This contention is illustrated by a case study of Women's groups in Western Kenya. The study shows that these groups are increasingly becoming instrumental in the provision of basic services to the rural poor, particularly water, food security, credit, agricultural extension, public health and social welfare needs. In the circumstances, Women's groups are proving to be more viable mechanisms for combating rural poverty than the state, apparently due to the participatory approach that is embedded in their activities. The paper concludes that this is a significant pointer to the role of the voluntary sector in combating rural poverty in the developing countries.

The paper heavily relies on field data collected in two separate surveys in Western Kenya. The first was done between May and July, 1995 while the second was done between November, 1996 and January 1997. Rapid Rural Assessment (RRA) methodology was used in both surveys to assess the activities and performance of community-based organizations in rural development. This primary data is supplemented with some secondary data.

Accounting for Institutional Relations Between Market, State and the Third Sector By Deena White ( whitedee@ere.umontreal.ca)

The objective of this paper is to explore the usefulness of certain theoretical approaches for explaining the role and place of the third sector in a comparative perspective. Our contribution to the development of theory regarding the third sector takes as its starting point a political economy approach and in particular, theories developed to explain welfare state divergence. Three specific theoretical approaches will be taken up in the paper: These include (a) "path dependency", referring to institutional legacies and dynamics; (b) political mobilization, or the coalition-building capacities of collective social agents; and (c) political and civic culture. By applying these approaches to a comparison of social policy domains in two different societies, we attempt to specify the contexts in which the third sector takes up a particular position and role (or not), and particularly, to analyse the mobilizing capacity of the third sector itself, and thus, its own impact on policy development in certain domains. We will present the early results of research in which we compared the role and place of the third in three policy domains, across two societies sufficiently distinct with respect to variables associated with the development of social policy.The areas of (1) mental health (service planning and delivery); (2) workfare (the third sector as an economic sector) and (3) immigrant integration (ethnic community groups) were thus compared across two Canadian provinces, Quebec and Ontario.

Preliminary results suggest that path dependency and civic culture make an important contribution to determining the role and place of the third sector, but political mobilisation and coalition building account for important differences from one policy domain to another.

The Third Sector in Ireland's Two Jurisdictions: A Policy Analysis By Arthur Williamson ( ap.williamson@ulst.ac.uk)

The Third Sector is of central importance in each of Ireland's two jurisdictions and offers fascinating scope for policy analysis. Since the division of Ireland in 1922 in the Republic of Ireland the state has worked closely with the voluntary sector, and in particular with religious orders, in the delivery of social, health and educational services. More recently it has developed partnership mechanisms for working closely with disadvantaged communities. In Northern Ireland, by contrast, during the period from the end of World War II until 1979 and the advent of Margaret Thatcher's Conservative Administration the Third Sector had a marginal role in relation to the state. Since that time, and particularly since the early 1990s, Third Sector organizations have moved much closer to the centre of social policy and the retrenchment of the Welfare State has meant that many services in N. Ireland (as in other parts of the United Kingdom) are delivered by Third Sector organizations.

Now governments in each jurisdiction are actively considering their relations with the voluntary and community sector. Northern Ireland has been particularly innovative in the field of policy development. Since 1993 public policy toward the Third Sector has been guided by Government's Strategy for the Support of the Voluntary Sector and of Community Development. This has involved a fundamental re-appraisal by government of its role vis a vis communities which dispute the legitimacy of the British administration in N. Ireland. Government has moved from a position where its policies tended to marginalize voluntary and community associations linked to paramilitary organizations. Under both Conservative and Labour administrations in the 1990s, the Northern Ireland administration has adopted an strongly supportive stance towards the Third Sector and government now works in close partnership with disadvantaged communities and their organizations to deliver services and to plan and implement policy.

In the Republic of Ireland the government promised in 1990 to produce a formal charter which would provide a statement of the role of the Third Sector, its arrangements with the state and arrangements for its support. Since that time there have been successive, but ineffectual, attempts under different governments to formulate and publish a comprehensive policy statement on the relationship of the community and voluntary sector with the state. In May 1997 government published a discussion paper or "Green Paper", Supporting Voluntary Activity. This document reflects concern about the deep differentiations which exist in Irish society and the increasing marginalization of some communities. It acknowledges the need to create a more participatory democracy in Ireland and to foster active citizenship and acknowledges the potential of Third Sector organizations in this regard. It proposes the creation of new institutional measures to support Third Sector organizations and measures to strengthen the capacity of government departments to relate to voluntary and community associations. It proposes the establishment of a nation-wide independent community trust to strengthen the funding mechanisms for voluntary action.

The paper will identify themes common to both jurisdictions in Ireland and will discuss these in the context of international trends in relations between government and Third Sector organizations. In particular it will discuss the influence of the European Union's social policies on the development of the community and voluntary sector in each part of Ireland and will identify points of comparison and contrast between the approaches of the Irish government in Dublin and the British administration in Belfast. It will draw from published and unpublished sources and informants in Dublin and Belfast and will build on the writer's earlier work in Gidron et. al. (1992).

Department of Health and Social Services (1993), Strategy for the Support of the Voluntary Sector and for Community Development in Northern Ireland, HMSO, Belfast. Kearney, Jimmy, (1995, "The development of government policy and its strategy toward the voluntary and community sectors [in Northern Ireland]" in Acheson, Nicholas and Arthur Williamson, Voluntary Action and Social Policy in Northern Ireland, Avebury, Aldershot. Supporting Voluntary Activity: a green paper on the community and voluntary sector and its relationship with the state (1997). The Stationery Office, Dublin. Williamson, Arthur, (1992), "The voluntary sector's central role in managing societal instability in Northern Ireland" in Gidron, B. Kramer, R. and Salamon, L (eds.), Government and the Third Sector, Jossey-Bass, San Francisco, pp. 120-146.

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Estimating the Size and Direction By Naoto Yamauchi ( yamauchi@econ.osaka-u.ac.jp) and Motoko Mekata

This paper investigates the direction and the size of international philanthropic transfers (IPT hereafter) from Japan, as a part of the international comparative study on IPT which has been organized by the Johns Hopkins Institute for Policy Studies.

As the Japanese economy becomes more integrated into the world economy, the volume of cross-border economic flows in the form of goods and services, capital and labor has been increasing substantially. Along with this development, cross-border philanthropic transfers to and from Japan may have been increasing as well. While IPT can be two ways: incoming transfers and outgoing transfers, this paper focuses only on the outgoing philanthropic flows from Japan.

We have tried to estimate the size and the direction of IPT at both the micro and macro level. First is macro approach. We attempt to estimate the macro level IPT by using the data on current and capital transfers in the balance of payment statistics and the system of national accounts (SNA). The micro level IPT are estimated using data from individual economic actors, such as for-profit corporations, nonprofit foundations and government bodies. Roughly speaking macro approach gives an upper bound estimate, whereas micro approach provides a lower bound estimate.

We identify and classify various routes of IPT in Japan. While for-profit corporations and individuals have a quite limited role in IPT, various foundations and NGOs play substantial roles. The public sector not only directly provide IPT directly, but also indirectly contribute to IPT, through subsidizing many NGOs and foundations.

The structure of this paper is as follows: First, we discuss the definition and the classification of IPTs (Section I). Then the aggregated size and direction of IPT will be estimated with macro-type data (Section II). Micro data is exploited to estimate a detail picture of IPT by grant-making foundations, central and local governments, and for-profit corporations (Section III). We also provide detailed case studies of major organizations which engage in IPT, based on partly using interviews of key personnel in selected philanthropic bodies which have a leading role in IPT outflows from Japan (Section IV). We then discuss policy issues such as the tax system that impact IPTs (Section V), and finally we give a summary and conclusion of the paper (Section VI).

Creating a Favorable Climate for Third Sector Development in Ukraine By Natalia Yasko ( ny@eurasia.freenet.kiev.ua)

Ukraine, a country with population of 52 million, declared independence in August 1991. Six Years that followed have taken the country through a continuing series of crises that have virtually engulfed every sphere of its life, brought with them the disintegration of the country's social infrastructure.

Ukrainian population is in a state of trauma after the massive social, political and economic changes that have occurred. An excessive wealth accumulation of a part of the population and a sharp lowering of living standards of the other part (the so called marginalization) ruins social stability and leads to disappointment in democratic ideals nationwide.

Historically the social policy of Ukraine has foreordained the state's responsibility for the provision of public good. Networks of mutual support based on traditional links of reciprocity within communities that existed through all the history of Ukrainian nation pre-empted the need for charitable organizations. Private philanthropy played only additional role by distributing occasional gifts of money or food for actively deserving poor. Through long years of colonization of this region philanthropic organizations lacked charters and were not limited to charity, but also engaged in political, often clandestine activities.

Nonprofit organizations have recently become a recognized phenomenon in the post-socialist Eastern Europe. Observing the growth of independent associations in the years of perestroyka, our Western counterparts named them the nonprofit sector, although their economic functions were low on the list of their organizational agendas. Nonprofits brought attention to themselves due to their practice of defending elementary civil, political and human rights while fostering people's organizations and movements.

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