ISTR Third International Conference Université de Genève, Geneva, Switzerland July 8-11, 1998 Conference Abstracts Alpha by Author ... S

The paper deals with the relationships between organizational properties and service effectiveness in three types of nonprofit organizations: community service organizations, home care organizations, and residential boarding schools.

The organizational variables examined in the study were: centralization of authority, workers' autonomy, coordination, control, equity, training, and working conditions. The variables representing service effectiveness were: client satisfaction, worker satisfaction, assessment of organizational performance, rate of client complaints, and the extent to which the organizations respond to clients' needs.

The paper describes the unique organizational properties of each type of NPO and analyzes the respective organizational and management patterns, which are mainly directed toward achieving service effectiveness.

Differences found between the three types of organizations emphasize the need to adapt distinct mechanisms for achievement or organizational effectiveness in each organizational context.

The Future of Labor and the Third Sector: The Role of Cooperative Organizations By Sebastian Schnyder

(1) The background of this research is one of the greatest challenges emerging from social, economic and political change in the 21st century: coping with the dwindling number of available jobs and the devaluation of real and human capital in a process of global deregulation and privatization. Given this situation, the question of the sociopolitical role of the organizations of the Third Sector takes on a special urgency and timeliness. The project entitled "The Future of Labor and the Third Sector: The Role of Cooperative Organizations" should make a contribution to this complex theme. It is one section of a larger project which undertakes research on the future of the division of labour between market, state and Third Sector implemented and planned by Professor Dr. Antonin Wagner of the University of Zurich and the Research Institute for Association and Cooperative Management at the University of Fribourg (VMI) in cooperation with the Swiss Federal Office for Statistics. The project attempts to gain a grasp on the Third Sector in Switzerland.

(2)The traditional social state, which is based on gainful employment, assumes a strict division between gainful employment, social security and work performed in the house or family or as a volunteer. With decreasing employment, however, gainful employment alone cannot make up for the absence of income caused by unemployment, age and sickness. A strict division between productive value-creation in the employment field and idleness in the social area, the simple performance of housework and volunteer work is no longer effective in an environment characterized by a fragmentation of the economy in various fields of activity. Given such an environment, there must be a place--in addition to the (traditional) gainful employment, housework and work in the family- for state-supported occupational programs and adult-education programs, secondary job markets, welfare and other nonprofit organizations as well as cooperative self-help organizations. To a large extent, these new occupational fields overlap with that what is characterized as the Third Sector with its institutions and organizations. Our notion of organizations of the Third Sector includes cooperative self-help organizations. This is of decisive significance, for it is only by insuring the financing of new institutions (or old institutions with new tasks) that we can transform a society characterized by globalization into a socially responsible society. The importance of economic self-help cooperatives (i.e., cooperatives in the original sense) lies within the fact that they have taken and are taking steps towards self financing in an environment where the means to cope with sociopolitical problems are becoming appreciably scarcer.

It thus seems reasonable to explore the role of cooperative organizations in the Third Sector. These organizations have shown that is possible to create an independent and economically viable movement which has prevailed up to today by retaining its fundamental principles. It came into being in the form of genuine self-help organizations during the (first) Industrial Revolution in the middle of the 19th century, a time characterized by threats to the very existence of large sectors of the population. This movement attempts to join like-minded persons to work in combined action against the abuses which they consider to be the main cause of the critical situation. These abuses include the following: (a)Inability of many people to maintain their ground when faced with rapid social, economic and technological change. (b)Exploitation of the economically weak and ignorant by means of economic power which takes advantage of new production methods and technologies. (c)Control by landowners, owners of capital, and entrepreneurs of those whose only asset is their labour. (d)Unlimited competition which leads to repression of smaller and weaker owners by big corporations.

(3)The main goal of the current project is to contribute to our understanding of roles and functions of self-help cooperatives in developping a socially responsible society within the framework of a general study of the Third Sector in Switzerland and its role in the future of employment. The first step involves the development of central criteria for the identification of self-help cooperatives which could make such a sociopolitically significant contribution. This will be supported by our own studies as well as other national and international studies from a historical perspective and in cross-reference to each other. The second step involves analysis of changes over time as well as differences shown in an international comparison of such self-help organizations. The third step involves identifying the prerequisites and mechanisms which enable such organizations to stand their ground in an environment characterized by market economy and competition. The fourth step involves evaluation of these results with respect to their sociopolitical consequences.

The current project can be based on several preliminary studies such as by Wagner (1996) on the Third Sector in Switzerland as well as the reports prepared by the Research Institute for Association and Cooperative Management at the University of Fribourg (VMI) for the Swiss Federal Office for Statistics (Blümle/Halm/Schnyder 1991, Blümle/Noesberger/Schnyder 1993, Blümle/Maass/Schnyder 1994, Blümle/Lanner/Schnyder 1997). Another source for the current project are articles regarding statistics of nonprofit organizations (E.g.schnyder 1994a), and articles on the situation and history of the cooperative movement( e.g. Schnyder 1994b, 1997). Further sources are joint studies in the framework of (German) Group of Institutes for Studies of Cooperatives (Arbeitsgemeinschaft Genossenschaftswissenschaftlicher Institute, AGI) and the International Conferences on Studies of Cooperatives. International debates on cooperative (self-help) organizations as found (to give some examples) in the Annals of Public and Cooperative Economics and in other reputable journals such as the Journal of Comparative Economics, the Journal of Political Economy and the Journal of Economic Literature are also being taken into account. Within these international debates the discussion of the so-called "Economie Sociale," a concept of cooperatives in economic solidarity which prevails in France is of special interest. The discussion focuses on the basic question of whether (or to what extent) self-help organizations can be eliminated from an analysis of the Third Sector without neglecting central aspects of its role in coping with social and economic change.

Considering the complex questions and the material which is, to some extent, merely descriptive, we limit ourselves to simple methods. Econometric tests should only be used when they are meaningful and the data base is sufficient. We believe that researchers in the social sciences should make fruitful use of the observational methods of the historian as well as socioeconometric methods.

References:

BLÜMLE, E.B., HALM, R., SCHNYDER, S. (1991), Die statistische Erfassung von Nonprofit-Organisationen, Bern/Fribourg

BLÜMLE, E.B., NOESBERGER, R., SCHNYDER, S. (1993), Die statistische Erfassung kirchlicher und religiöser Organisationen, Bern/Fribourg

BLÜMLE, E.B., MAASS, R., SCHNYDER, S. (1994), Die statistische Erfassung von politischen Parteien und Arbeitnehmerverbänden, Bern/Fribourg

BLÜMLE, E.B., LANNER, CH., SCHNYDER, S. (1997), Die statistische Erfassung von Organisationen des Gesundheitswesens, Bern/Fribourg

SCHNYDER, S. (1994a), Statistische Erfassung von Nonprofit-Organisationen, in: Schweizerische Zeitschrift für Volkswirtschaft und Statistik, 130, 391-401

SCHNYDER, S. (1994b), Zur Lage der Genossenschaft in der Schweiz, in: Zeitschrift für das gesamte Genossenschaftswesen,44, 114-122.

SCHNYDER, S.(1997), Von der Rohstoffassoziation zur Fullservice-Genossenschaft, Zur Entwicklung und zum Stand der Einkaufsgenossenschaften des Handwerks, in: Zeitschrift für das gesamte Genossenschaftswesen, 47, 4-19

WAGNER, A. (1996), Satellite Accounting: How to Improve Reporting on the Third Sector Nationally and Cross-Nationally, A Swiss Case Stuy, The Silver Anniversary Conference, ARNOVA, November 7-9, New York City?

Responding to Social Exclusion in Rural Areas - The Role of the Third Sector By Duncan W. Scott ( d.scott@man.ac.uk)

This paper considers the following questions:

i) Why has the concept of social exclusion (and the related concepts of poverty, deprivation and disadvantage) been largely an urban one?

ii) What are the particular issues and dilemmas associated with establishing wider acceptance and application of the concept of social exclusion in rural areas?

iii) What roles can different third sector agencies play in responses to social exclusion in rural areas?

Although the empirical material is taken from the United Kingdom, this study is relevant to all those countries experiencing counter urbanisation i.e. significant movements of population into what may be termed the 'shallow countryside', even as the more 'deeply rural' areas continue to experience outmigration.

The first part of the paper will briefly consider the legacy of particular assumptions about 'urban' and 'rural', and their relationship to conceptions of social need. In particular, it will argue that rural social exclusion, disadvantage or deprivation are 'hidden' in a number of different but inter-related ways. The literature on rural need will be summarised at this point.

The central part of the paper will consist of a description and analysis of the Peak District Rural Deprevation Forum (PDRDF); founded in 1991 this has now established a reputation as one of the most important third sector campaigning agencies in rural England. It has published a number of reports, an audio-visual training package for third sector and related workers, and hosted numerous conferences and workshops. Yet, this voluntary network continues to experience a number of organisational and political dilemmas. For example, the very strength of its single-issue focus on exclusion proves to be a weakness in terms of obtaining and developing a broader base of support and influence. Similarly, many traditional third sector agencies and local government agencies have been resistant to the very idea that rural exclusion policies should be developed.

A final section examines the wider role of third sector agencies in the development of responses to social exclusion in rural Britain. Material will be taken from the work of the national coordinating agency for the rural third sector, Action with Communities in Rural England - ACRE and national church networks established since the Archbisops' Commission on Rural Areas in 1990. A particular focus will be on the organisational and political dynamics of intra and inter-sectoral relationships i.e. within different vertical and horizontal dimensions of the third sector and between third sector agencies and the state.

The paper will develop from previously published research and a specially commissioned evaluative study of the PDRDF, based on focus groups, over two dozen interviews and extensive documentary analysis.

Resurgent Society or Civil Society? Reflections on a Case Study from the Republic of Benin By Sally J. Scott ( sj2scott@bellatlantic.net)

The very title of this conference--The Contribution of the Third Sector to Social, Economic and Political Change--implies a heavily upbeat assessment of the third sector. Yet, as scholars, we should be as willing to learn from frustrations and failures within the third sector, as to trumpet its substantial accomplishments. This may be especially true for scholars working in Africa, a place of enormous change and potential, as well as devastating disappointment. In a warning to Africanist scholars, political scientist Thomas Callaghy (1994) argues that the recent surge in new or reinvigorated voluntary associations does not necessarily constitute civil society. He thinks Africanists should talk instead about 'resurgent' societies, evading or engaging the state, rather than 'civil' societies. He defines civil society in terms of norms about the creation of a public sphere, not in terms of associational life.

In this paper, I argue first that while civil society does involve norms about the creation of a public sphere, essential to a robust civil society is the translation of such norms into institutions. In this light, Callaghy's distinction between resurgent and civil societies is valid, but the dichotomy he draws between norms and institutions is misleading. Secondly, I will discuss a case study of the Republic of Benin, which illustrates the difficulties of translating norms into institutions, in a context of intense competition for material resources and political influence, exacerbated by a bruising election campaign for the national legislature.

First I must try to answer a thorny and persistent question: what is civil society? Like Callaghy, I think about civil society in terms of norms informing the public sphere. Unlike Callaghy however, I do not focus on norms to the exclusion of institutions. In fact the relationship between norms and institutions is critical. The influence of civil society in Africa (and elsewhere) remains weak and sporadic unless certain norms are translated into institutions. The norms crucial to civil society support the notion of a public sphere distinct from the state and the marketplace, in which individuals collectively deploy facilitative (as opposed to coercive) power. The concept of facilitative power derives from the work of Talcott Parsons, who argued that power can facilitate the production of binding obligations within organizational settings, and thus contribute to cooperation and order. Parsons "focuses on the more economical, subtle and productive aspects of power rather than on those that automatically produce conflict." (Clegg, 1989). According to this definition, not all nonprofit, nongovernmental and voluntary forms of organization constitute civil society--only those individuals and institutions that voluntarily participate in the public sphere, and pursue their interests through the exercise of facilitative power. They may seek influence in public affairs, but they do not try to take over governments, or (primarily) to turn a profit. Organizations that try to escape or threaten the state are not contributing to civil society. One can not assume that when intermediary associations assert themselves, that civil society will necessarily emerge.

I however had made such an assumption when I decided to study community-level self-help associations in the Republic of Benin. From the late 1980s through the early 1900s, hundreds of non-governmental groups sprung up in Benin, as the single-party marxist regime slowly collapsed, and then suddenly (and bloodlessly) was transformed into a constitutional democracy. In almost every district of Benin, a community development association was organized, led by prominent 'sons and daughters' of the area who returned home to (ostensibly) represent their community's interests. Here (I assumed) was an example of emerging African civil society--in district-level organizations created in response to the failings of a repressive state and stumbling economy. The leaders of these organizations strongly supported Benin's return to democracy, but some also warned against development associations becoming allied with political parties, the source of chronic conflict since Benin's independence. These leaders advocated norms capable of supporting robust institutions of civil society. Not only did they argue that associations should be nonprofit making and apolitical but that members should unite to work for the development of their districts. The were making a case for the exercise of facilitative power.

My case study focuses on community development associations in the district of Sakété, in southeastern Benin. In 1994 and 1995, I analyzed available documents, conducted interviews, and used ethnographic observation techniques, to chart the history and effectiveness of the Sakété development associations, particularly since the renewal of democracy in 1990. My findings surprised me. The main district development association started off as a confident patrimonial institution whose leaders--primarily highly successful individuals living outside of the district--committed themselves to serving as intermediaries between residents and outside powers, particularly the state and international organizations. Yet only three years later, the association had run out of money, and its leadership expressed frustration with local (village and neighborhood level) leaders, who in turn accused the association of doing little to address the lack of basic infrastructure in their communities. Translating the norms they had so convincingly presented at the founding congress into a viable institution proved to be a difficult process.

When association leaders started campaigning for opposing political parties during the 1995 national legislative elections campaign, the process of building civil society in Sakété ground to a halt. For association leaders, stymied by the difficulties of raising resources and support locally (obstacles to establishing facilitative power), the lure of political office was irresistable. As a result, potential institutions of civil society were paralyzed by bitter struggles for influence and votes. In this case, the resurgent aspects of society--the many associations that sprang up as Marxism collapsed--found it difficult to survive in a context of limited resources and chronic conflicts. As a result, the leaders of many of these associations engaged in bitter struggles for political power, to the detriment of civil society.

The Dilemmas of the Para-Governmental Arena in Brazilian Local Government: An Analysis of Innovative Practices By Rosane Segantin Keppke ( 6961525@eaesp.fgvsp.br) and Peter Kevin Spink ( spink@eaesp.fgvsp.br)

The Public Management and Citizenship Program at the Getulio Vargas Foundation in São Paulo was set up in 1996, with support from the Ford Foundation, as an annual cycle of awards for practical initiatives in all public policy areas of sub-national government, that both improve the quality of services and have a direct effect on the construction of citizenship. Results of the first two years show that over seventy percent of the innovations presented, which must have at least one year of effective implantation, have been carried out in conjunction with non-governmental, community, philanthropic or business organizations working in partnership.

Further evidence of the importance of new patterns of partnership in service provision has also come from a 1997 follow up study of the1996 program entrants after the municipal elections of the same year. The question was raised - did they survive a change of government and if so, or, not, why?

Partial results show that: (i) Less than 10% of activities have been interrupted, thus throwing doubt on the common assumption of discontinuity in relation to governmental practices; (ii) Community, non-governmental organizations and other organizations in partnership have played an important role in rooting programs, especially in areas that focus minorities; social, economic and sustainable development; human rights; job creation; health and environmental issues; (iii) Communities have been active in identifying priorities, accompanying policy-making, controlling quality and undertaking volunteer work; (iv) Support is being obtained for technical, logistical and financial matters from intergovernmental, inter-municipal and non-governmental organizations forming new and often relatively stable linkages that are broadening the notion of local government action.

The paper examines these results in further detail along with specific examples. It will raise the question of the significance of the emergence of the "para-governmental" arena for civil society and the democratic process, especially in relation to the dramas of social exclusion.

Institution Builiding in Potemkin Style: Why Nonprofit Organizations are Both Absent and Successful in Post-socialist Societies By Wolfgang Seibel ( wolfgang.seibel@uni-konstanz.de)

While the Nonprofit Sectors in Western democracies have been developping over decades if not centuries, they have been founded in post-socialist societies almost overnight. It has been stated in the literature that nonprofit sectors in post-socialist societies are further weakened by the absence of sound civil society structures and that, therefore, their prospects are rather dim.

What is reported in the present paper is a preliminary test of the hypothesis according to which the role of Nonprofit Organizations remains limited due to the weakness of civil society in post-socialist societies. The focal region is post-1990 East Germany.

After discussing the advantages and disadvantages of East German exceptionalism" as a subject of research on post-socialist societies, the paper is divided into three sections.

Section 1 describes the nonprofit landscape in post-1990 East Germany. East Germany today has a strong nonprofit sector populated by new 'indigenous' East German NPOs, extended West German NPOs and old organizations dating back to the communist era. What characterizes the East German Nonprofit sector, though, is the prevailing persistence of organizations that have their roots in the communist era.

Section 2 discusses the empirical findings in the light of the widespread hypothesis claiming a positive correlation between strong nonprofit sectors and strong civil societies. It is stated that the East German case reveals the paradox of a strong nonprofit sector despite relatively weak civil society.

Section 3 presents what could be a more appropriate conceptualization of civil society third sector relationship. It is stated hypothetically that nonprofit organizations in contemporary post-socialist societies to a large extent are state-funded artefacts but nonetheless fulfill indispensable functions through organizing societal cohesion and political integration that could not be fullfilled by market-driven organizations nor by the state itself. The core-argument is that the nonprofit-type of organizations allows for formal adaptation to Western democratic standards while, in substance, old structures in both the organizational and personal dimension are being maintained. By virtue of this dual character, the artificial nonprofit sector in post-socialist societies, presumably, provides an institutional tissue that elastically couples the slowly changing societal order to the rapidly changing political and economic environment.

Membership and Democracy: Should we Take Passive Support Seriously? By Per Selle ( per.selle@los.uib.no) and Kristin Strømsnes ( kristin.stromsnes@los.uib.no)

This article is concerned with value-based non-democratically structured voluntary organizations, which constitute an every-increasing portion of the voluntary sector. We argue that the democratic significance of these organizations is not accounted for within conventional, empirically oriented research on democracy, including neo-Tocquevillian approaches, in which Robert D. Putnam is a central figure. In the discussion, we distinguish between internal democracy, i.e., democracy within an organization, and the external democratic role of the organization, i.e., democracy in a society. Our point of departure is the role payed by passive supporters within the non-democratically structured organizations. We argue that the passive supporters of these organizations are not as marginalized, neither in relation to their organization, nor towards the society at large, as most theories a priori assume. We claim that to an increasing degree, developments in organizational society itself necessitate more emphasis on the external democratic role at the expense of the internal.

Education and Community Development: The Experience of an International Third Sector Organization Operating in the Cuban Jewish Community By Roby Senderowitsch ( roby@mci2000.com)

This work approaches the link between education and community development from a dialectic perspective, based in a permanent practice. We will focus our analysis in the case of the recent development of the Cuban Jewish community. This process began mainly after 1992, when the Cuban Government introduced important reforms in its religious policy. Moreover, with the support of an international nonprofit organization expert in community development, the community leadership began a profound and challenging changing process.

In 1992, the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee began its operations in Cuba. This international organization, funded in 1914, has a large experience in community development affairs, conducting programs in more than 60 countries worldwide.

Community is the real and symbolic space established among individuals, groups, institutions, and organizations, which have some distinctive element that makes them different from the context. Interacting with this context community life is defined and gives sense to its members.

Understanding community development as the permanent and positive change that operates over a certain social structure, which is perceived by its members and the context as "community," we establish an analogy with Leiv Vygotsky's theory. We include in this analysis the concept of "close development zone." Vygotsky defines this concept as the difference between what an individual can do by himself and what he can do with somebody's else support.

A community is capable to conduct several operations by itself. Certain operations require the support of a third party, because the community cannot face with autonomy. This third party may be a external consultant, a hired professional, or another organization. In this sense is created a "close development zone" defined by the difference between the real community development at certain time and the potential community development level with external support. The third party operates as a scaffold, providing a mobile support structure that promote community autonomy building.

Community work based in this model implies a double risk. On the one hand, the community may have difficulties in adopting as own the model shown by the third party. On the other hand, the third party may have difficulties in give the community with enough space to build its own autonomy. In this sense, it is possible to find an obstacle in community autonomy building, because of immaturity of the organization, or over-protection by the third party.

Development implies change. In this sense we include in this work the dimension of organizational change. An organization is capable to change if, first of all, can beat the change resistance. It is not a sequential time relationship. Working with organizations it is very common to find stages of great changes and resistance, in an alternative form and even at the same time.

Organizations can learn. Identified and elaborated organizational changes produce an institutional learning. Related to this constant learning process it is important to introduce the meta-cognitive variable. If we can add to the learning process, the chance to think about the process itself, we would be promoting an autonomist learning building.

Finally, we conclude that education is a fundamental element of community development, and that every community development process that produces real organizational changes, operating over the organizational culture, allowing a critical analysis of the value system, will promote the emerging of new community structures, which increase the chances of individual, group, and institutional learning.

Educación Y Desarrollo Comunitario: La Experiencia De Una Organización Internacional Del Tercer Sector Operando En La Comunidad Hebrea De Cuba By Roby Senderowitsch ( roby@mci2000.com)

El presente trabajo aborda la relación existente entre Educación y el Desarrollo Comunitario desde una perspectiva dialéctica sustentada en una práctica permanente. Tomaremos para ello, el caso del reciente desarrollo de la Comunidad Hebrea de Cuba, proceso especialmente potenciado a partir de los inicios de 1992, cuando luego de darse importantes modificaciones en la política religiosa del Estado Cubano, y con el apoyo de una ONG experta en desarrollo comunitario, el liderazgo de la Comunidad emprendió un proceso de cambio profundo y transformador.

En 1992, comienzó a operar en Cuba el American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee. Esta organización internacional, fundada en 1914, posee una amplia experiencia en el ámbito del desarrollo comunitario e institucional, desarrollando programas en mas de 60 países en los 5 continentes.

Una comunidad es el espacio real y simbólico establecido entre sujetos, grupos, instituciones y organizaciones que poseen algún elemento distintivo y propio que los diferencia del entorno. Pero esta diferenciación no la coloca en un lugar extraño. Por el contrario, es en el marco de un contexto mayor en donde la vida de la comunidad se define, desarrolla y adquiere sentido.

Comprendiendo al desarrollo comunitario como el cambio positivo y permanente operado sobre una estructura social que es percibida por sus miembros y por el entorno como "comunidad", estableceremos una analogía con la teoría desarrollada por Leiv Vigotsky. Incluimos en este análisis el concepto de "zona de desarrollo próximo", según el cual, Vigotsky define lo que un sujeto puede hacer con la ayuda de un otro.

Una comunidad es capaz de realizar numerosas funciones por sí misma. A su vez, hay ciertas situaciones que si bien no puede afrontar en el presente autónomamente, puede resolver con la ayuda de un tercero. Este tercero puede ser un consultor externo, un profesional contratado o alguna otra organización. En este sentido se crea una zona de desarrollo próximo, definida por la diferencia entre el desarrollo real de la comunidad en un momento dado y el potencial desarrollo que puede alcanzar con la ayuda de otro ente, que opera sobre la realidad creando una estructura de andamiaje tendiente a la construcción de la autonomía comunitaria.

El trabajo comunitario basado en este marco teórico, trae aparejado un doble riesgo. Por una parte, la dificultad de los miembros de la comunidad de apropiarse como propio, del modelo mostrado por un tercero. Por otra, la dificultad del profesional para retirar poco a poco los soportes y apoyos que requiere la construcción del modelo de andamiaje. En este sentido es posible encontrar un obstáculo en la construcción de la autonomía comunitaria, ya sea por inmadurez de la organización o por sobreprotección de los profesionales externos que en ella trabajan.

Desarrollo implica cambio. En este sentido incluiremos en el presente análisis la dimensión del cambio organizacional. Una organización es capaz de cambiar si ante todo tiene la posibilidad de vencer la resistencia al cambio. No se trata de una relación secuencial en el tiempo. Es muy común ver en las organizaciones momentos de grandes cambios y de resistencia a los mismos en forma alternativa, e incluso de manera contemporánea.

Los cambios organizacionales, identificados y elaborados, producen un aprendizaje institucional. A la vez los nuevos procesos de institucionalización, llevados adelante con éxito, dan lugar al cambio organizacional. Las instituciones y organizaciones son capaces de aprender. En relación a este continuo aprendizaje, es importante la incorporación de la variable metacognitiva. Si al aprendizaje que se da en estos individuos, grupos, instituciones y comunidades le sumamos la posibilidad de pensar la forma en que este aprendizaje se originó, estaremos dando un salto cualitativo en relación al mismo, ya que esteremos promoviendo una construcción autónoma del aprendizaje.

El proceso de construcción de la autonomía comunitaria es complejo. Por un lado se basa en la puesta en práctica de un modelo de gestión que permite a los propios miembros de la comunidad, ir construyendo sus propias estrategias de acción e ir apropiándose de los roles y tareas mostradas y ejecutadas por la organización externa. Por otro, se sustenta en una práctica profundamente metacognitiva, que permite a los miembros de las organizaciones interpretar sus propios procesos cognitivos, así como los cambios que se producen en los grupos y en la comunidad.

Analizaremos por último que la educación como proceso de cambio transformador es un pilar del desarrollo comunitario, a la vez que cualquier proceso de desarrollo comunitario que origine verdaderos cambios organizacionales, operando sobre la cultura institucional, dando lugar a un análisis crítico de su sistema de valores, permitirá la aparición de nuevas estructuras que den lugar a numerosas situaciones de aprendizaje individual, grupal e institucional.

Organismos Privados de Desarrollo en el Area de Promoción Humana en Chile By Claudia Serrano ( cieplan@ctcreuna.cl)

El trabajo expone los resultados de un estudio cualitativo que investiga las prácticas institucionales y metodológicas de 26 instituciones privadas que están exhibiendo logros en sus intervenciones sociales. Su objetivo es aportar a una mejor comprensión de la relación público privado en la gestión de políticas sociales, en particular, en áreas críticas para el Estado y para la política social, áreas sensibles que presentan problemas complejos de desarrollo humano: infancia, juventud, droga, salud mental, adulto mayor.

En el contexto de un Estado que requiere mejorar su capacidad frente a problemáticas sociales cada vez más heterogéneas que reclaman soluciones específicas de alta calidad, la modalidad de colaboración privado pública presenta ventajas. El estudio confirma diversas hipótesis en torno a que los privados son más flexibles, tienen una llegada más directa, pueden ofrecer metodologías especializadas y lograr buenos resultados en esquemas en los que se busca calidad y no sólo cobertura.

Entre las claves metodológicas asociadas al desempeño de las instituciones estudiadas, destacan: la preparación y compromiso de los profesionales; la valorización de la noción de derechos de las personas; la utilización de metodologías participativas y habilitantes; el diseño de intervenciones que consignan el espacio familiar y comunitario; la incorporación a los equipos de trabajo de agentes comunitarios y locales y de personal no profesional.

Las instituciones con mayor potencial como "socias" del Estado son aquellas que: a) generan innovación metodológica que constituye un aporte para la política social; b) trabajan temáticas específicas; c)proponen modelos de intervención y desean influir en la toma de decisiones respecto de la política pública social; y d) gozan de una relativa autonomía financiera y administrativa.

Private Development Agencies in the Field of Human Development in Chile By Claudia Serrano ( cieplan@ctcreuna.cl)

This paper shows the results of a qualitative investigation of the institutional and methodological practices of 26 private organizations that have been successful in their social interventions. The objective of the study is to contribute to a better understanding of the public-private relationship in the conduction of social policies, particularly in those areas crucial to the State and its social policy, areas that involve complex human development problems such as infancy, youth, drugs, mental health and people over '60s (adulto mayor).

In the context of a State that needs to improve its capacity to deal with increasingly heterogeneous social problems requiring high-quality specific solutions, the public-private collaboration alternative presents advantages. The paper confirm different hypothesis about the private sector: it is more flexible, it has a more direct approach, it can offer specialized methodologies and can obtain good results in situations where quality is most important than quantity.

Among the methodological keys related to the performance of the institutions in question one can underline: the professional's instruction and compromise; the valorization of the concept of people's rights; the use of participative and qualifying methodologies; the design of interventions that rescue the space of family and community; and the incorporation in the team works of local and comunitary agents and non-professional staff.

The institutions that have more potential to be "partner" of the State are those: a) that generate such methodological innovation that can support social policies, b) that work on specific themes, c) that propose models of social intervention and aim to influence decision-making in the area of public social policy, and d) have certain financial and administrative autonomy.

The Democratization Industry in the United States: USAID, the National Endowment for Democracy, and the Nonprofit and For-Profit Democratization Contractors By Ronald G. Shaiko ( rshaiko@usaid.gov)

For fiscal year 1997, the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) budget for program activities sponsored by the recently created global bureau, the Center for Democracy and Governance, totaled more than $388 million. These funds support more than 100 democratization programs and activities around the world. The funds and activities are divided among four substantive teams within the Center: Rule of Law, Governance, Civil Society, and Elections and Political Processes. In addition there exists a Strategies Team that coordinates the substantive team activities. Each of the four teams receives roughly equal funding of approximately $100 million per year. The entire Center for Democracy and Governance has fewer than 50 AID employees (including Democracy Fellows, AAAS Fellows, etc.). As a result the vast majority of the democratization work undertaken by USAID, through the Center, entails contracting out for democratization services and subsequently monitoring the activities of the contracting/grantee entities.

In the democratization arena, there is an additional U.S. governmental entity involved. The National Endowment for Democracy (NED), created in 1983 during the Reagan Administration, exists as a separate governmental entity with an organizational mission of promoting democracy. Under the original organizational plan, four separate 501(c)(3) organizations were created to serve NED: the International Republican Institute (IRI), the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI), the Center for International Private Enterprise (CIPE), and the Solidarity Center. These organizations represent the interests of the two major parties in the United States as well as the interests of business (U.S. Chamber of Commerce) and labor (AFL-CIO). These tax-exempt nonprofits receive grants from NED as well as grants from AID. In the latter context, these government-affiliated nonprofits (QUANGOs) compete with both private nonprofit contractors (e.g., International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) and World Learning) and for-profit contractors (e.g., Chemonics International, Management Systems International (MSI), and Associates in Rural Development (ARD)) for AID funding for democratization programs and activities.

This research presentation will include the broad analyses of the missions of USAID-Center for Democracy and Governance and NED as well as empirical assessments of the budgets of the Center for the six years of its existence (1993-1998) and the budgets of NED since 1983. It will also address the efficacy of contracting out U.S. government-funded democratization programs and activities and provide comparative assessments of the delivery of services of the NED-affiliated nonprofits, the private nonprofits, and the for-profit contractors. As the United States government is not alone in its commitment to and support of democratization efforts around the world, this assessment of the U.S. model will serve not only the interests of scholars in the United States, but will hopefully serve the international community involved in the democratization industry worldwide.

Third Sector Organizations and Policy Making: The Case of Palestinian NGOs By Salma A. Shawa

The main question addressed in this study is: how does the transfer of some power from an occupier to a national authority alter the policy making process and its response to the needs of the population. On one hand, this transition involves a change in the role of existing providers in development such as third sector organizations, their bargaining power, their influence on public policy, and their representation and satisfaction of the needs of their communities. On the other hand, socio-economic, health and political problems mostly persist for a period that surpasses the transition. Studying the process of change occurring in policy making will help in projecting the future impact of NGOs in determining policies. A case study that consists of private and public actors who aim to support the poor and marginalized groups of the population with a special emphasis on women will be identified along with their constituencies. The context of this environment is the West Bank, Jerusalem and Gaza Strip covering the period from 1993 until the present.

The signing of the peace accord between the PLO and Israel in 1993 and seizing some civic functions by the Palestinian authority was expected to encompass improvement in the quality of life of the majority of the population. At the present, there are some indications of this improvement in infrastructure development and the rehabilitation of some of the governmental services. However, there are also signs that reflect negative trends such as the shift of funding to the Palestinian Authority on the expense of other development agents such as NGOs. Moreover, the separation between the West Bank, Gaza and Jerusalem prevents most of the population from using vital nongovernmental services especially in Jerusalem which accumulated the deficiency in services in some areas and led to their deterioration in other areas. Globally and regionally, NGOs were given greater attention since the eighties on the pretext that they can act as intermediaries between their communities and the authorities or as agents of civil society. Governments were no longer expected to satisfy all the needs of the population. This study aims to examine the role of NGOs during the transitional period in civil society, development and representation of their constituencies needs.

The high population density in the Palestinian areas especially in Gaza causes great concerns on the welfare of this population and its future generations who are mainly 'Palestine refugees. Since the signing of the Oslo agreement, there has been a deterioration in the standards of living for the majority of the population. Policy makers, service providers and donors face difficult decisions concerning the allocation of resources for the short term relief or for long term development. Service provision will have to grow in parallel to the increase in population as well as accommodate its evolving needs. The extent to which the priorities of this population are integrated into the policy making agenda and the amount of space left for negotiation between these two parties will determine the welfare and stability of this society.

Studying an environment consisting of private and public, local and international actors will help in identifying patterns in the process of decision making and whether there is a mechanism for transferring the needs of the population to policy makers. External and internal factors that burden the process along with the varying interests that govern it will also be analyzed. Moreover, the study will shed some light on the role of third sector organizations in a civil society in transition along with its relations with the national authorities, their constituencies and their donors. It will identify the pattern these organizations maintain and build ties with their communities and whether it will lead to the development of a healthy civil society.

The Evolution of the Public Support of Non-profit Organizations in Transitional Society By Sergey Shishkin ( iet@online.ru)

Three stages in the relationships between the government and the non-profit organizations are distinguished in Russia in transitional period.

The first stage refers to the emergence of the Third sector during the crisis of soviet state and planned economy (1987-1991). The legal possibility for citizens to create voluntary associations arose. The government supported mainly the old pseudo-voluntary associations wich have existed in soviet society (the Foundation of Peace, the creative unions, etc.) or the new ones created with encouragement of the top officials (the National Foundation for Culture, the National Children Foundation, etc.). The tax exemptions and the budget subsidies were used as the main forms of their support.

The second stage covers the period from the start of market reforms to the beginning of financial stabilization (1992 - the first half of 1995). This stage is characterized by the selective governmental support of the nonprofit organizations, created and acting in the interests of officials and clans, who used these organizations to derive benefits. Such actions were facilitated by lack of legislation on non-profit organisations. The main forms of support were the tax benefits given mainly on individual base, the leasing of apartments with low rent, and the contracting. The federal authority played still the leading role in public support of NGOs.

The third stage (since the second half of 1995) corresponds to the period of financial and political stabilization, and of economic stagnation. This period is characterized by creation the legal base for the Third sector and for development of public support of non-profit organizations, and by the broadening of the forms of support. The policy of federal authority towards NGOs has been oriented to the cutting down of federal taxation privileges because of chronic budget crisis. The interest of regional and local authorities to the broadening of cooperation with organizations of the Third sector has increased mainly on political reasons. The initiative in introducing the different forms of NGOs' public support has been taken by the regions having respectively more favorable economic situation. Meanwhile there are two different tendencies: i) the gradual introducing the elements of democratic procedures for public support of non-profit organizations, ii) the attempts to establish the control by the officials over the activity of independent NGOs.

Legal Mechanisms to Encourage Development Partnerships By Karla W. Simon ( ksimon@icnl.org) and Leon Irish ( lirish@worldbank.org)

In recent years many governments have become increasingly interested in encouraging NGOs and community-based organizations (CBOs) to take over responsibilities in the social and economic development spheres that were once solely the province of the state. They have done this for a variety of reasons ­ budget constraints are clearly a strong motivating factor, but so too are public policy considerations that favor dispersing service delivery modalities among interested groups of citizens. As the state moves to devolve power to local authorities and significantly to limit its role in certain critical areas of social services, it is clear that some services previously within the state's portfolio will be curtailed or even will not continue to be provided after the coercive power to support them through taxation disappears.

The terminology "development partnership" has arisen in this context to describe a wide variety of government-NGO/CBO-business relationships that serve the social and economic development needs of a local community, a region within a country, a country, or even a multi-country region. Although development partnerships focus on encouraging business interests and the state to become involved in providing both financial and human capital to support needed projects conducted by NGOs and CBOs, they do so within a development paradigm, not a philanthropy or charity paradigm. In this sense they promote democracy of programmatic decision-making in all aspects of the project cycle, from conception to implementation to evaluation ­ beneficiaries become partners along with the service and capital providers.

If the state transfers social and economic development responsibilities to NGOs and CBOs, and does not raise enough tax revenues to provide them with one hundred percent of their support, how will NGOs and CBOs find the financial wherewithal to carry out their much-needed work? Legal mechanisms are clearly needed to allow them access to the needed financial wherewithal. This paper analyzes those legal mechanisms. It looks to models that are currently in use in both developing and developed countries. Examples and case studies include the new Social Order law in Russia, the work of Philippines Business for Social Progress, community development funds in Brazil, experiences in local development in Africa, and foundations to support local schools in the United States.

Examples of legislation that can affect the existence of development partnerships include:

National level legislation

Law on local self-government

Law on local administration

Law on government procurement

State budget law

Privatization law (does it contain provisions affecting social and cultural activities of the government?)

Laws governing formation of NGOs (particularly looking at the issue of permissible economic activities)

Restrictions on investment activities of NGOs, including investment abroad

Tax laws affecting NGOs

"Sectoral" and licensing laws (laws governing provision of social services, education, health care, etc.)

Borrowing mechanisms used for development (such as special bond issues)

Local level legislation

Local laws on procurement (regional, county, municipality, etc.)

"Sectoral" and licensing laws

Municipal budgets

Municipal fees, taxes, etc.

Municipal grantmaking mechanisms, including those that are activity-based (e.g., special purpose foundations)

Additional NGO benefits (preferential leases, etc.)

Borrowing mechanisms used for development (such as special bond issues)

Soliciting the Warm Glow: An Economic Model of Fundraising By Al Slivinski ( aslivins@julian.uwo.ca) and Richard Steinberg ( rsteinbe@iupui.edu)

We develop a model designed to explain the decision of a private donative organization of whether to use it's own resources to solicit donations or to hire a professional fundraiser. We further analyze the choice of the type of contract to enter into in the latter case. We assume that charitable solicitation is a costly activity which affects potential donors in one of two plausible ways. Solicitation either directly increases the marginal return to the individuals from any funds they may donate, or it increases the probability that the individual is aware of the organization's activities, which is necessary for any donation to occur.

We first characterize the conditions which determine whether the organization will use it's own members for fundraising or hire an outside (profit-taking) 'expert.' We then consider the implications for net donations of various contractual arrangements that the organization might enter into with the expert fundraiser. This latter contract-selection problem is a principal-agent problem with an interested third party, the donors. Their donations are influenced by the contract the charity and the expert enter into, and this is a key factor in the choice of contract by the organization. We determine the conditions under which each type of contract is preferred, and go on to consider the implications of our analysis for debates on 'ethical codes' for fundraisers that attempt to limit the types of contracts they can enter into with charitable organizations.

The internal fundraising model is a two-stage game in which the organization chooses a level of costly fundraising activity and donors then simultaneously choose donation levels. The external fundraising game has three stages. The charity first offers a contract to the expert firm, which it accepts or rejects, then the expert firm chooses a level of costly fundraising activity, and finally donors make individual contributions. The cost function of the expert is assumed to be private knowledge, otherwise there is symmetric information.

Further, there is an ongoing debate among economists as to the motivations for individual donations to charity. Do individuals give because they are contributing to a public good, or do they view their donations as simply purchasing a private good sometimes referred to as "warm-glow,' or are both motivations operative? It turns out that these differing motivations have distinct implications for the behavior of donors and fundraising charities and experts in our model. It thus has the potential for providing a means of testing the empirical validity of these alternative behavioral assumptions.

The Role of Civil Society in Promoting Democratic Transitions in the Third World: A Theoretical Proposition and Empirical Test By Zeric Kay Smith ( zksmith@sc.edu)

This paper presents a theory of political transitions to democracy which builds on contemporary approaches employing civil society-based theory. In contrast to contemporary comparative works by scholars of democratic transitions who stress the institutional and state-centered components of democratic transition (Bratton and van de Walle 1997, Luckham and White eds. 1996, Linz and Stepan 1996, Wiseman ed. 1995, Widner ed. 1994, Hyden and Bratton eds. 1992, Wiseman 1990) this work systematically examines the key role of society based groups and associations in democratic transitions.

My paper makes two key contributions to the literature on civil society's role in democratization. First, I provide a systematic theoretical approach to civil society in which civil society's role in transition is shown to vary predictably across cases. The degree of involvement of civil society is shown to be a result of both the nature of the non-democratic state and the particular historic circumstances in which calls for democratic reform where articulated. Second, I provide an empirical test of two of the key claims of civil society based theory -- that civil society presses the state for democratic reform, and that civil society promotes democratic citizenship among those who participate in it.

The tests are conducted using cross-sectional data gathered from a variety of sources including Gastil/Freedom House, Carter Center, University of Michigan's ICPSR for the claim of civil society as a source of democratic pressure. For the claim that civil society promotes democratic citizenship among participants, I use political attitudes surveys administered in Mali, a recently democratized African nation, in 1996. This sample was gathered by the author using scientific sampling methods adapted to local conditions in order to maintain the random nature, and thus statistical validity, of the sample. I analyze both samples using OLS regression techniques and show that participation in civil society based groups has a significant relationship with democratic citizenship values and that civil society based activism is strongly (though not universally) correlated with successful democratization efforts. I conclude the paper by outlining some of the potential policy implications of these findings.

The Relations Between Public Solidarity and Private Solidarities: Communicating Vessels or Conflictual Cooperation By Marc-Henry Soulet ( doris.gehring@unifr.ch)

Thrown into disarray by the adamant call for solidarity from civil society, the social state is in the process of transformation. Today the State no longer seems able or obliged to be the sole agent for the conception and distribution of social services. On the left, one appeals for this to civil society as a last resort for the survival and the development of democracy. On the right, one demands less State intervention and exalts the virtues of the free market as a means of making more dynamic society which has become ungovernable by the burden of public action. The Welfare Society, as a reservoir of vital sources for the socially underprivileged and as a source of "natural" networks, has superseded a failing, suffocating and heavily indebted Welfare State. This interpretation is, however, highly controversial and contains a number of misunderstandings.

Firstly, the withdrawal of the State is, in fact, a dismissal. The State does not resign rather it has resigned itself to being ineffective. The demand for social equality, inherent in the redistribution dear to the Welfare State, loses its meaning: the high economic costs without any ideological compensation and it no longer has any real symbolic effect. It has become, as it were, quasi illegitimate, which tends to explain, amongst other factors, the recriminations resulting from "too many taxes" and the refusal to keep something going which has no social visibility or utopian consistency. The crisis of the social state is, therefore first and foremost, a cultural crisis, also in its budgetary dimension. The financial deadlock it is going through results in fact from new cultural attitudes faced with the demands of the State. But one must beware of mirages. It is an illusion to believe that it would suffice to transfer certain responsibilities, particularly in matters of public collectivity to civil society. A substitution of terms is not that simple. What continuity of the sense of solidarity is there between a form of solidarity which emerges from an impersonal relationship and another which constitutes social and political issues? Besides, to be considered as an alternative to public solidarity, the private solidarities would have to offer some kind of guarantee of social equity. The idea associated with the latter of the radical independence of private solidarities in the distribution of solidarity is just as fallacious. The private solidarities would in fact be atrophied or be quickly exhausted through public intervention. These can fulfil their role only if, parallel, the State carries out its duty.

Secondly, public solidarity and private solidarity tend to be intertwined within the logic of a partnership and participate in the definition of a new organisation for the distribution of social services. The State has not resigned as long as it is reorganising its partnership with civil society. What emerges is, in fact, a form of subsidiarity that has no connection with the principles of classical subsidiarity. This new subsidiarity is paradoxically evoked by the State: wishing to reinforce the strategies of private actors in the distribution of services and even associate them with drawing up public policies, the State wishes to do so according to an organisational logic which is coherent and manageable and in which it continues to play an important role.

Why then so much fuss about the reorganisation of solidarity? Probably because the issues at stake are of such importance. This mixed form of producing well-being leads to a relative substitution of the state by civil society for delivering certain collective services and in the accomplishment of certain missions. Social actors from civil society could in this sense do themselves as well as third parties a favour of a public nature which would normally be provided by an institution integrated in the public, i.e. the state sector. But if this private initiative is to fulfil a function that is essentially a public one, the guarantee must be upheld that this service will always be inscribed in a logic of rights and at the core of a clearly defined public policy.

Self-Help and Support Groups and Their Contribution to Health and Social Well-Being in a Divided Society: A Report on a Study Being Conducted in Londonderry, Northern Ireland By Jenny Sproule ( jem.sproule@ulst.ac.uk)

This paper considers the contribution made by self-help and support groups to health and social well-being in Londonderry, a city of 85,000 in the north west of Ireland which is characterized by high levels of deprivation and endemic long-term male unemployment and which, for many decades, has been deeply divided by ethnicity, by politics and by sectarianism as well as by social class. This paper forms part of a wider study of voluntary and community associations and their contribution to social policy and it is believed to be the first such city-wide study to have been conducted in Ireland or the United Kingdom.

Aims and Objectives:

The paper presents original qualitative and quantitative information on the nature and extent of self-help and support group activity in the health and welfare field in the city of Londonderry;

It examines the work and significance of self-help and support groups within a contested society and their capacity to act as a critical bridge between people of different ethnic, political and religious backgrounds. It also examines the extent to which they facilitate contact at an individual and group level with groups and individuals in the nearby Republic of Ireland;

It evaluates the strengths, weaknesses and challenges which characterize self-help and support groups and it assesses their potential for development.

Methodology:

294 voluntary and community associations were identified which are active in the health and social welfare field in the Derry City Council area. A representative of each group was interviewed. The information obtained was used to establish a database which contains information on a range of more than 500 variables.

Relationship of Paper to Existing Literature:

This paper makes a contribution to the international research literature by providing a group level or organizational analysis of self-help and support groups. Borkman states that most of the research in this area has been carried out on an individual level of analysis and not at a group level. It is particularly apt at a time when, having long been neglected by non-profit researchers, the social and political significance of self-help and support groups is increasingly being recognized (Horton Smith, 1997).

Relevance to Conference Theme:

The paper will explore the capacity of self-help and support groups to promote health and social well-being. It will consider the resilience and adaptability of self-help and support groups and the significance of their contribution in an area where high unemployment and high levels of deprivation are common (DHC, 1995). New insights into the role of self-help and support groups in the Northern Ireland context may well have utility for increasing understanding of the development of social capital and social policy in other contested societies.

References:

Borkman, Tl, (forthcoming, 1997), Experiential Learning in Self-Help Groups.

Derry Healthy Cities Project, (1995), Towards a Healthier City: 2^nd Annual Report 1994-1995. Derry City Council.

Horton Smith, D., (1997), 'Grassroots Associations Are Important: Some Theory and a Review of the Impact Literature' in Nonprofit Voluntary Sector Quarterly, Vol. 26 No. 3, Sage Periodicals Press.

Third Sector in India: An Analysis of Trends and Challenges By T. N. Sreedhara ( root@mnglr.ernet.in)

Discourse on Third Sector Initiatives in India has been revolving around western experiences and theories. Obviously, this discourse is missing the nature, complexities and context of problems of India. One need not overemphasise the case for Third Sector Initiatives in Indian context. They are very important for the socio-economic transformation of India and have to actively participate by assuming developmental, mobilisational and political roles.

However, it should first be appreciated that present dichotomous society is the stronger version of pre-independent India. In the post-independent India, even though many developmental programmes were initiated by the state, the traditional and vertically divided social structure is still very strong. Industrialisation and other developmental programmes, with indirect and `soft' measures, have failed to dismantle the traditional structure. As a result, already existing marginalised sections swelled and new ones were added. It is in this context we need to look at the Third Sector Initiatives - the trends, their performance, potential and challenges before them.

The working of Third Sector Initiatives in India gives us certain trends. One notices that, instead of aiming at changing the logic of the old structure, these Initiatives appear to find solutions to socio-economic problems with micro perspectives and leave the old structure in tact. This is evident in the examples of some Third Sector Initiatives. It would be quite interesting to know as to why this convenient path is selected by the Third Sector. For this one needs to look at the Sector's organisational dynamics - men behind them and their interests, the leadership, funding agencies and their motives. Hence, the important question here is who exactly mediates these initiatives and the motives behind such mediation. This should equally be applicable to state funded NGOs and other Initiatives.

Given these observations, any analysis on Third Sector in India shall have to be on the basis of a separate set of parameters. They ought to be different from the ones used else where in other countries. This Paper attempts to examine these issues in the context of India by analysing some regional case studies and suggests that India needs to evolve alternative approach to Third Sector and its evaluation.

Third Sector Restructuring--Voluntary Service Organizations in the Greek Welfare Mix By Olga Stassinopoulou ( olstas@panteion.gr)

The paper is a critical appraisal of the contribution-actual and potential- of the voluntary service organizations in Greece to the promotion of human welfare, from a "welfare mix" perspective, ,(as elaborated by the European Center Vienna), within the present restructuring of the "Third Sector" in Europe.

Major trends are discussed in the light of current developments and research findings, focusing on the "VOLMED Project" - an inquiry into Voluntary Service Organization in the European South, -carried out with the support of DG XXIII of the European Commission, aiming at the creation of a pilot data base and an appraisal of the historical development of the voluntary sector in Italy , Greece, Portugal and Spain.

Both as a process and as a source of information, VOLMED-HELLAS ( the Greek part), offers useful insights for the formulation of Hypotheses concerning third sector restructuring from a national and european perspective and the role of research for policy purposes.

The paper consists of three parts:

1. A brief overview of major milestones in third sector development in Greece and the role of Voluntary Organizations in the promotion of human welfare, under the influence of local, national and international forces.

2. An appraisal of recent third sector restructuring, -in organizational, ideological and relational terms- in the light of major changes in Greek society and important shifts in the prevailing welfare mix, as well as the impact of European policy for the third sector. This part includes reference to comparative data from VOLMED and VOLMED-HELLAS.

3. Presentation of a number of hypotheses concerning social change, third sector restructuring and potential of voluntary service organizations for the promotion of human welfare.

Human Service Nonprofits and Political Advocacy By Deborah Sturtevant ( sturtevant@hope.edu)

The purpose of this paper is to explore nonprofits' political influence through their political advocacy role. Advocacy, it is argued, is important for survival and growth of nonprofits who are increasingly positioning themselves to implement charitable human services in many societies. At the same time, these organizations are struggling to survive and maintain a balance between government-funded partnerships and community-based support (Salamon, 1995; Smith & Lipsky, 1993; Saidel, 1991, 1994; Ostrander, 1989; Wolch, 1990).

Three theories--interest group politics, resource dependence, and new institutionalism--are key to understanding the interdependent nature of the nonprofit role in public policy. Interest group politics explains the philosophy of nonprofit political participation in a pluralistic society such as the United States which is compared with the highly politicized nonprofit environment in Great Britain and corporatist models in Germany and Sweden. Resource dependence helps us to understand the deepening relationship between the government and human service nonprofits. New institutionalism provides the conceptual context for understanding the internal and external environments in which policymaking occurs (Wolch, 1990; Chubb, 1983; Billis, 1992; Pfeffer & Salancik, 1978; Gronbjerg, 1993).

According to Wolch (1990) government sub-contracting in the United States and Great Britain has enabled nonprofits to gain political and economic resources with which to influence public policy, strengthening their larger public policy role. A deeper, more interdependent relationship between the government agency and nonprofit provider has emerged. Wolch's analysis is important in light of current policy making in the United States. Welfare Reform is a major public policy issue which is having an impact upon the nonprofit organizations, primary implementors of human welfare services.

This exploratory/descriptive study seeks to gain a greater understanding of the relationships among levels of resource dependency, levels of agency autonomy, levels of professionalization, and political advocacy. If an organization seeks to influence public policy, the advocacy strategy is important (Hoefer, 1995). One of the most salient questions in the nonprofit research is whether their level of government dependency affects this choice. Interviews were conducted with thirty-five manages of human service nonprofit organizations in 1996.

Results of support the research hypothesis and suggest that human service nonprofits are substantially involved in social and political change through their political advocacy role. Highly dependent organizations have more of a corporatist relationship with their government funders but may be forced to merge with other organizations to secure their stronghold. Moderate and less dependent organizations with secure funding, stable missions, and local control might also have a strong voice in public policy but without sacrificing their identity.

Accommodating Political Activity in the Tax-Exempt Third Sector By Stephen Swann ( s.j.a.swann@dundee.ac.uk)

This poster presentation is based on research into the legal restrictions on political activity within the charitable sector in Scotland and in England and Wales, the Republic of Ireland and other common law jurisdictions.

Starting from a theoretical perspective, the research seeks to distinguish the substantial from the superficial in justifying limitations on campaigning by charities. The analysis draws on arguments in economic literature to examine the legitimacy of political activity within a tax-exempt third sector. Controversy as to the place of political campaigning within charitable activity is thus located within the broader controversy as to the function of charities in a mixed economy.

The presentation focuses on juridical arguments for excluding political activity from the sphere of charity. These arguments are reviewed both within the socio-economic model adopted here and for an assessment of their intrinsic merit. Earlier research has criticised the judiciary in the jurisdictions concerned for the poverty of reasons supporting restrictions on political activity by charities. The research to be presented seeks to address these criticisms by refining the arguments justifying the exclusion of political activity from charity.

This defence of the basic tenet of the current law aims to show that the policy behind the legal restrictions has been partially misapprehended. A reassessment of the policy objections to political activity within charity law points the way to legal reform. This research outlines the manner in which that legal reform might proceed, so as to accommodate political activity within charity law consistent with the public interest.

The poster presentation will be amplified by a supporting paper, copies of which will be available to conference delegates.

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