ISTR Fourth International Conference Dublin, Ireland / July 5-8, 2000 The Third Sector: For What and For Whom?

Peter Bundesen
Lars Skov Henriksen larsskov@socsci.auc.dk

This paper aims to explore how voluntary social organizations have been framed and constrained by the changing contexts of Danish social policy from 1850's to 1990's.

The study is based on two different sources. First, in order to explore the history from the organizational point of view in depth case studies of 13 different voluntary social organizations were carried out. The organizations were divided into the historically three most important types: mutual benefit societies, philanthropic organizations working on a religious basis, and membership based interest organizations. Second, in order to explore the general historical transformation of welfare arrangements and social policy a study of the main social policy reforms was carried out together with readings of the most important Danish works on the philosophy of welfare and social policy.

On the basis of these data a history of Danish social policy is presented with special reference to the moving frontiers between state and voluntary social organizations:

Phase 1: Unorganized, liberal social policy. The first phase from roughly 1850 to 1890 is characterized by a liberal political context in which many different mutual benefit societies and philanthropic organizations start to flourish. The formation of popular movements and organizations was sparked off by the passing of the free constitution in 1849. Social policy, however, was still dominated by ideas from the old poor laws according to which people were divided into the deserving and the non-deserving. This distinction to a large extent sat the frame for voluntary organized services: voluntary organizations primarily took care of the deserving while state responsibility was directed towards the non-deserving.

Phase 2: The idea of social rights and the public-private partnership. The second phase from 1890 to 1930/40 is characterized by the gradual crumbling of the distinction between deserving and non- deserving. The right to social assistance and social services more and more came to be identified with particular situations in a person=s life (growing old e.g.) rather than the moral qualities of the person. Increasing public responsibility created a new context for voluntary organizations in which public and private initiatives began to work in tandem.

Phase 3: The idea of universalism and the marginalisation of the voluntary sector. In the 1930s social democratic ideas and policies were implemented. State responsibility was gradually directed towards not only particular risk groups, but the population as such. In this context voluntary organized services after World War II more and more came to be defined by public and professional standards. This phase culminated in the passing of the social assistance act in 1976 in which administration and implementation of social policy laws was concentrated in the municipal public bodies. Obviously this context of professional power and public monopoly left the voluntary sector with little ideological legitimacy.

Phase 4: The reemerging and reconstruction of a voluntary sector. The idea of an all encompassing public system, however, quickly came under attack. From the beginning of the 1980s ideas began to flourish which attributed positive qualities to voluntary organizations. Again the shift in political and ideological context changed the position of the voluntary sector. At present two visions dominate: First, the sector is looked upon as a necessary partner in the provision of social services. Second, it is looked upon as the incarnation of a democratic civil society.

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